General election latest: Why now? What's Rishi Sunak's strategy? How will Reform and the Greens do? | Your election questions answered (2024)

The former Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn, announced earlier today that he will stand as an independent candidate in his constituency of Islington North.

In his statement, he said he was "appalled" that "local Labour Party members in Islington North have been prevented from choosing their own candidate".

Sir Keir Starmer was asked by broadcasters about those comments and if he wishes his predecessor had decided against standing.

He replied: "I think Jeremy Corbyn's days of commenting on what the Labour Party is doing are over.

"What I've done is put a cohort of excellent candidates across the whole country, including in Islington North, because the choice at the election, Islington North or wherever you are in the country, is between more of the chaos and decline and division that we've seen over the last 14 years, which has got us absolutely nowhere."

He added that he is putting in place the "best quality Labour candidates everywhere, including in Islington North.

He did not answer the final question, which was if he wished his predecessor had not decided to stand in this election.

Sir Keir effectively barred his predecessor from ever standing as a Labour candidatewhen he proposed a motion by the party's ruling body, the National Executive Committee (NEC), which said Mr Corbyn "will not be endorsed by the NEC as a candidate on behalf of the Labour Party at the next general election".

It cited the dismal defeat Mr Corbyn led Labour to as leader in the 2019 general election in arguing his candidacy should be blocked, and said the party's chances of securing a majority in the Commons would be "significantly diminished" if he was endorsed.

Mr Corbynhas been without the party whip- meaning he cannot sit as a Labour MP in the Commons - since 2020 following his response to a report into antisemitism within the party by the Equalities and Human Rights Commission,which Sir Keir and his allies felt downplayed the significance of the problemwhile he was leader.

As the second full day of campaigning draws to a close, the Labour leader has taken questions from broadcasters.

He was asked firstly about Rishi Sunak's commitment to introduce Martyn's Law after the election and before the summer parliamentary recess, as he promised Figen Murray, the mother of a Manchester Arena bombing victim.

The legislation wouldcompel venues to undergo terrorism training before recess.

Asked if he will commit to that as well, Sir Keir Starmer said: "I don't think the prime minister was quite straight with Martyn's mum when he met her."

He explained that he met with Ms Murray on the same day, and said he told her he would have completely supported the prime minister if he had introduced the legislation before the election.

If not, Sir Keir said it would be "a priority for an incoming Labour government".

"Obviously, the prime minister, in my view, wasn't being straight with her. But if we are privileged enough to come into power, I will make it a priority for an incoming Labour government."

Thanks for following along.

And stay tuned for more updates into the evening as general election campaigning continues.

Jon Craig, chief political correspondent: Tactical voting will damage the Conservatives, certainly. But extinction? No.

Compared with the 1997 general election, when Sir Tony Blair won a landslide after Sir John Major's 21-seat 1992 majority had all but disappeared, Labour's task is much harder.

Boris Johnson won a majority of 80 in 2019 and Sky's election expert Professor Michael Thrasher estimates that with favourable boundary changes the Tories are defending a notional majority of 94.

The perceived wisdom, also, is that governing parties who are behind in the opinion polls close the gap as polling day approaches.

In 1992, for example, Labour's big lead gradually shrank until the final poll, in the Daily Express on the eve of the election, showed the two parties virtually neck and neck and Sir John won an unexpected victory.

The Liberal Democrats are doing everything they can to exploit tactical voting and there's every chance that it will benefit them and potentially damage the Conservatives.

The Liberal Democrats came second in 91 seats in the 2019 election, 80 of them to the Conservatives.

As a result, if the Lib Dems do well, they could achieve some high-profile scalps, such as Chancellor Jeremy Hunt, lord chancellor Alex Chalk and even Jacob Rees-Mogg.

But in the English shires the Conservatives do have many super-safe seats with big majorities - blue-chip seats - of more than 25,000.

So a wipeout - or even a crushing defeat such as those suffered by Sir John Major in 1997 and William Hague in 2001 - is unlikely this time.

Darren McCaffrey, political correspondent: There is little doubt Labour polls very well with students.

Traditionally this has always been the case, but in recent years that gap with the Conservatives has only grown larger.

Though I'm not convinced students not being at university would have been a factor in the prime minister's decision.

Students can register at their university address or their parents' home address but vote in one place.

So ultimately the student vote should hold up.

They will just vote at their home address.

This might be better for Labour.

University seats are expected to vote Labour or Lib Dem, whereas the student vote in more marginal seats might make a difference.

Jon Craig, chief political correspondent: Many years ago, a former Tory chief whip, Francis Pym, warned of the danger of a big Commons majority. He was promptly sacked by Margaret Thatcher.

It's one of the accepted norms of politics that when a government has a smaller majority, its MPs are more disciplined, because they have to be.

Backbench rebellions are more dangerous, because there's a bigger risk of a damaging government defeat.

The chronic indiscipline and near-constant mutiny of Tory MPs during the past five years - deposing three prime ministers, Theresa May, Boris Johnson and Liz Truss - proves the point.

If Labour wins the election, the backbench opposition will come from left-wing MPs, some of the younger ones selected during Jeremy Corbyn's leadership and veterans like John McDonnell.

But despite Sir Keir Starmer's junking of Corbyn policies, so far the Labour left has been remarkably disciplined since Sir Keir became leader, much more so than Tory backbenchers.

So a small majority is not necessarily a bad thing, so long as a prime minister avoids confrontation with backbench rebels, so there's no reason why a government with a small majority can’t survive more than a year.

Of course, now the Fixed Term Parliament Act has been dumped, a PM with a small majority may want to hold a second election, in the hope of winning a bigger majority, as Harold Wilson did in 1966 and October 1974.

Darren McCaffrey, political correspondent: In one word - yes.

In recent days there has been much more focus on right leaning Reform rather than some of the other smaller parties, who frankly may well end up with greater representation in Parliament.

The party had a "record-breaking" local elections after securing its highest number of elected councillors.

The other good news is that their vote is pretty well concentrated.

Despite long-serving MP Caroline Lucas standing down, the expectation is that the Greens will hold Brighton Pavilion and there is strong expectation that they will pick up a seat in Bristol too.

Jon Craig, chief political correspondent:Sir Keir Starmer clearly believes Scotland is more important to Labour's chances of victory, heading there on the first full day of campaigning.

Expect to see him make several visits during the six-week campaign.

The SNP's deepening troubles - on the day of John Swinney's campaign launch, for instance, MSP Michael Matheson was suspended over his £11,000 bill on his government iPad and Nicola Sturgeon's husband Peter Murrell's embezzlement charge was sent to prosecutors - are a gift to Labour.

Until last year's Rutherglen and Hamilton West by-election victory, Labour had just one MP in Scotland and the SNP 43.

Polls have suggested, however, that Labour could win 20-30 seats.

At the same time, though, the Tories could win back from the SNP some of the rural seats they used to hold in the Thatcher and Major years.

In many ways, Labour's task is easier in the Red Wall in the north of England, because there's evidence that voters there feel let down by Brexit and Boris Johnson's levelling up promises.

The Tories hold many of their 2019 Red Wall gains with tiny majorities and the polls suggest most of them will go back to Labour.

The Conservatives' best hope in many of these Red Wall seats is that George Galloway's pro-Gaza Workers Party will take votes off Labour and help some Tory MPs with small majorities cling on.

Darren McCaffrey, political correspondent: It is the Conservatives who are most concerned about Reform.

In by-elections recently they have eaten into the Tory vote, finishing a close third in the Blackpool South vote earlier this month.

Their anti-migrant, Brexit-supporting, right-wing policies do appeal to large numbers of Red Wall voters.

Lee Anderson is currently their only MP having defected from the Conservatives.

However, Nigel Farage’s decision yesterday not to stand is a bonus for the Conservatives.

Mr Farage is a massive political figure and a great campaigner.

His involvement would have undoubtedly boosted Reform’s ability to win more voters at the expense of the Tories, even if they ended up with no seats themselves.

Jon Craig, chief political correspondent:Rishi Sunak is fighting this campaign as the underdog and, with its massive opinion poll lead, this election is Labour's to lose.

For that reason, we can expect to see some bruising and highly personal attacks on Sir Keir Starmer. And indeed we already are.

On the first full day of campaigning, the Tories launched an entirely bogus attack on Sir Keir, accusing him of being "spineless" and "chickening out" of six weekly TV debates during the six-week campaign.

That was never going to happen, not least because the TV schedules in June and early July are packed with live international football as Gareth Southgate and the lads - and, to be fair, Steve Clarke's Scotland - do battle in the European football championships.

Sir Keir has agreed to two debates, which is the likely outcome.

The Conservatives also appear, on the evidence so far, to be hoping that appealing to their core vote will benefit them.

In the parliamentary "wash-up" of legislation, they've dumped Mr Sunak's smoking ban, loathed by his right-wing backbenchers, and legislation protecting renters and leaseholders, also opposed by many Tory MPs.

The prime minister will want to put the economy front and centre of his campaign.

One reason he's so keen to debate with Sir Keir head to head on TV is that he's confident - as a former chancellor of the exchequer - that he would embarrass the Labour leader with his grasp of detail.

He's even attempting to turn his setback on getting deportation flights to Rwanda in the air before the election to his advantage.

In a Daily Telegraph article, he wrote: "The plans are in place, the flights will go, but only if you vote Conservative on July 4, because Labour would stop the flights."

Expect to hear more of that in the next six weeks, along with the prime minister's not-very-catchy "stick to the plan" catchphrase, with the emphasis on the economy, the issue that dominates every election campaign.